Considerations In Bombing China Essay
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Direct air and naval surface attacks on the Chinese mainland were probably the mostimmediate way of striking a hard blow against the Communists. These were also the actionsmost likely to precipitate a full-scale war. [13] All of the nations allied with the UnitedStates against Communist aggression in Korea were strongly opposed to direct attack onChina. Since China had no great industrial centers, the most profitable targets would bemilitary and air installations, railroads, and shipping facilities. But experience in World WarII had shown that in spite of the best intentions and most accurate bombing, the civilpopulation suffered along with such targets; and any heavy loss of civilian life undoubtedlywould be sure to turn many Asiatic nations against the United States. There was littlequestion, moreover, that China, if faced with this bombing, would call upon the USSR tocome to its rescue. Most American leaders were therefore not willing to risk bombingChina except as a last resort. In all the discussions of "privileged sanctuary" enjoyed by the Chinese in Manchuria nomention had been made by MacArthur, or by the Joint Chiefs of Staff for that matter, of asimilar privileged sanctuary enjoyed by the United Nations Command in Japan. Both navaland air operations against Korea were mounted from Japanese bases, and Japan was themain staging area from which thousands of U.N. troops were sent to fight in Korea.Consequently, if the United States bombed Manchuria to destroy enemy bases, theChinese might bomb Japan. Whether the Chinese possessed such a capability was certainlya moot point; but it seemed reasonable to assume that with Russian help it would not takethem long to acquire such a capability. President Truman stated that he had never been able to believe that MacArthur, seasonedsoldier that he was, did not realize that introducing Chinese Nationalist forces into mainlandChina [13] Other than broadly hinting that the atomic bomb would be effective in Korea,MacArthur did not recommend officially or, as far as is known, unofficially, that thedecision be taken to use the atomic bomb against either the North Koreans or the Chinese,in or out of Korea. would be an act of war. Certainly, a commander who had been in the forefront of worldevents for thirty-five years must realize that the Chinese people would react to the bombingof their cities in much the same manner as the people of the United States would have done.The President did not believe, either, that MacArthur with his knowledge of the Orientcould really think that he could cut off the vast flow of materials from Russia merely bybombing Chinese cities. The next step would have to be the bombing of Vladivostok andthe Trans-Siberian railroad. Because he was sure that MacArthur could not possibly haveoverlooked these considerations President Truman was left with the simple conclusion thatMacArthur was ready to risk general war. The President was not. [14] Because they were not privy to MacArthur's intentions or to the instructions given him,British officials grew concerned that he might do something that would cause the conflict tospread beyond Korea. When these misgivings were brought to the attention of PresidentTruman, he attempted to allay British fears by assuring Prime Minister Attlee: There has not been any change in the agreed United States-United Kingdom position that resistance to aggression in Korea should continue in Korea unless and until superior force required evacuation of our troops. Present tactical situation does not reflect any change in this position but rather essential adjustments to cover increased jeopardy to United Nations troops resulting from recent marked decrease in effectiveness of sorely tried South Korean divisions. [15] The Joint Chiefs of Staff sent MacArthur an interim denial of his proposals on 9 January.They told him that his suggestions were being carefully considered but that, for the timebeing at least, little chance existed for a switch in the national policy. The blockade of theChina coast, for instance, if imposed, would not take place until the United NationsCommand had either stabilized the situation in Korea or had evacuated the peninsula. Norwould American authorities undertake such a blockade without British approval, indeference to the extensive British trade with China through Hong Kong. The Joint Chiefsfelt also that any blockade required the concurrence of the United Nations Organization.[16] The naval and air attacks which MacArthur wished to launch on the Chinese mainlandwould, in the opinion of the Joint Chiefs at this time, be authorized only if the Chineseattacked American forces outside of Korea, but no decision would be made on the matteruntil the eventuality arose. Nor did the Joint Chiefs, doubtful that Chiang Kai-shek's troopscould have any decisive effect on the outcome of the Korean campaign, intend to approvetheir use in Korea. They noted that these troops might have a greater usefulness elsewherein the future. [17] Neither did they believe that MacArthur should or could count on action outside of Koreato ease the pressure on his forces. They directed him to defend in successive positions,inflicting the greatest possible damage on enemy forces, "subject to primary consideration of the safety of your troops and your basic mission ofprotecting Japan." At the same time, they granted him authority to withdraw from Korea toJapan if in his judgment evacuation was essential to avoid severe losses of men andmateriel. [18] The Joint Chiefs of Staff had given MacArthur two major interlocking courses of action tofollow. Whereas he was to defend Korea, this defense was secondary to his mission ofsaving his troops from destruction and protecting Japan from invasion. The second course,withdrawal, must have been, in the minds of the Joint Chiefs, the natural sequel of the first.But MacArthur chose to interpret the directives strictly and found them, therefore,incompatible. Arguing that both directives could not be carried out simultaneously,MacArthur on 10 January asked for clarification of his orders. He tied to this requestanother hint that American political objectives needed looking into. He said: In view of the self-evident fact that my command as presently constituted is of insufficient strength to hold a position in Korea and simultaneously protect Japan against external assault, strategic disposition taken in the present situation must be based upon the over-riding political policy establishing the relativity of American interests. It seemed that he was asking the Joint Chiefs to decide which of his missions theyconsidered most important when, in fact, they already had told him. [19] General MacArthur pointed out to the Joint Chiefs of Staff that his command originally hadbeen sent to Korea to oppose the North Korean Army. There had been no intent that theUnited Nations Command should engage the armies of Communist China, MacArthurclaimed; and he doubted very seriously that his troops would have been sent to Korea at allif it had been foreseen that they would have to fight the Chinese. [20] His men were capable of holding a beachhead line in Korea for a limited time, the UnitedNations commander believed, but not without losses. Whether or not these losses could betermed "severe" depended, MacArthur said, "upon the connotation given the term." He
angrily decried the unfavorable publicity given the withdrawals of the Eighth Army and XCorps. "The troops are tired from a long and difficult campaign," he complained heatedly, embittered by the...
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