Sexuality And Sexual Identity Essay
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Sexuality and Sexual Identity
In Social Deviance
Alfred C. Kinsey argued in 1948 that "It would encourage clearer thinking on these matters [of labeling homosexuals] if persons were not characterized as heterosexual or homosexual, but as individuals who have had certain amounts of heterosexual experience and homosexual experience. Instead of using these terms as substantives (real and apparent entities) which stand for persons, …they may be better used to describe the nature of overt sexual relations, or of the stimuli to which an individual erotically responds."
Here I shall look at this statement regarding sexuality and gender from a sociological perspective on deviance. In this discussion I will address the following questions: What role does sexuality (and gender) play in society? How are these categories constructed? How are they maintained? And what do these categories reveal about important configurations of power in American society?
The "social construction" of the category of gender has had its roots firmly planted since biblical times: from the creation of the female, Eve for man (so Adam would not be lonely) to the 1800s when women were not allowed (by men) the right to vote. It has been prevalent in marriage ceremonies as brides promised to "honor and obey" their husbands (although the "obey" part seems to be absent recently). The role of the male being dominant or superior to the female is one that insists on transcending time despite modern day efforts for gender equality in society. We (society) constructed this category based on a patriarchal system that places the primacy of masculinity above all else. Gender ensures a distinction between male and female, affirming male dominance over the weaker female. And the dichotomy of the patriarchy over all else that threaten it must be maintained through continual reaffirmation and reinforcement.
The reinforcement of gender roles and boundaries through societal constructs is shown in Woodhouse's discussion of transvestites or cross-dressers. Cross-dressing heterosexual men (dressing in women's clothing) pose a threat to traditional society that presents male and female gender categories as immutable categories that have no room for malleability. "On a social and cultural level the two groups (male and female) are mutually exclusive…" (Woodhouse, p. 117). This is maintained and strictly enforced in our male-dominant society through approval of masculinity and disapproval of femininity. "Outside of the closely demarcated boundaries of the drag act or the fancy-dress party, men cannot appear in any item of women's clothing without immediate loss of the superior status attached to the male and the full imposition of ridicule and censure" (Woodhouse, p. 119). We see examples of this ridicule from very early childhood and adolescence with boys being scorned and called a "sissy" for playing with dolls or expressing feminine traits which are reserved for the secondary, inferior female role and "should be eradicated" (Woodhouse, p. 119). There is a vice-grip on the primacy of masculinity which refuses to let go of pointing out that which is not masculine, and giving it a value. "Any man who is effeminate cannot be heterosexual, there must be something wrong with him" (Woodhouse, p. 137) and is therefore considered "less than." "To deviate from this [primacy] status is to take a step down; to adopt the trappings of the second sex is akin to slumming it or selling out. And those who protect and maintain the primacy of masculinity cannot allow this to happen or the whole edifice would crumble" (Woodhouse, p. 119). "And identity politics as well as science has an interest in keeping them ["homo" and "hetero"] opposite" (Garber, p. 231).
However, the categories of sexuality (homo-, hetero-, and bisexual) and the use of the term "homosexual" to characterize the individual as a "real and apparent entity," rather than describing a behavior, are recent constructs of humans. "Prior to the nineteenth century - or, some will say, the eighteenth - homosexuality in the western world was a practice, not an identity" (Garber, p. 213). The use of the term to describe who a person is, is to attach the negative stigma of an unacceptable behavior to the individual, thereby making the person unacceptable. This is also done as a means to sanction and prohibit the behavior. Who wants to be called a "homo" or "fag?" Being labeled a homosexual is society's way of determining what type of person you are and how you should be treated. What is also powerfully realized is that definitions of deviance and labels are handed down by those in society who decide "the norm" based on the current trend and philosophy of the time and their culture. This is important for two reasons. First, it affirms the sociological issue of power in constructing deviance. Secondly, it challenges the notion of gender being immutable and invariable over time and culture. Woodhouse excellently states this in her discussion of sex, gender, and appearance in relation to transvestites (cross-dressers). "The realization that gender is not a fixed entity, that gender roles and expectations can be questioned, attacked and changed, emphasizes the significance of viewing both gender roles and gender identity as social constructs whose meanings are continually affirmed and reaffirmed, negotiated and renegotiated through the social process of human communication and interaction" (Woodhouse, p. 119). An example of the idea that gender is fixed is shown here from NARTH's School Sex Education Guidelines: "This impression of having always 'felt different' is a reflection of childhood gender nonconformity" (NARTH, p. 2), arguing it is not the case that you were born homosexual. Here again is the assumption that sex, gender role, and gender identity exhibit a conformity to, and an identity with one of two possibilities: masculinity (being primary) or femininity (being secondary).
The extent to which the "abnormal" is integral to the existence of "normal" is another important tool in evaluating categories of sexuality and gender identity. Distinguishing between good and bad, normal and abnormal is a human construct and one that is applied to nearly every facet of our human existence. "Normal" needs to be continuously reaffirmed in order that we may redefine what is "abnormal." We call things "wrong," "unnatural," "bad," "perverse," "strange," "odd," "queer," "abnormal," "immoral," and "deviant" to remind and reinforce that what these words describe is not acceptable behavior. We enforce the boundaries of "normal versus "abnormal" in countless ways. Just walking down the street, we automatically assign a social role to certain types of people based on "what" and "who" we perceive them to be. And the rules can change. These boundaries must continually be reestablished based on the current philosophy of what is acceptable at the time. "The process of change through which certain deviations become labeled as normal or abnormal remains difficult to discern, becoming clear only when historical or social conditions permit…" (Bayer, p. 189). As we shall see, people in positions of power, have the ability to influence "what society permits" and sometimes we construct negative perceptions in our crusade to influence the rest of society.
The National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality is a flagship among organizations in constructing particular interpretations that serve their particular group. The title on their brochure, "Taking A Stand: For Those Seeking Freedom From Homosexuality," wouldn't be implying that homosexuality is negative, would it? By promoting negative interpretations of homosexuals, for example, groups like NARTH can help to influence and enforce what is considered deviant. NARTH warns that a pro-gay "philosophy usually includes the redefinition of marriage; the disparagement of gender differences as arbitrary 'social constructs'; the undermining of family and religious authority with the substitution of a different set of standards; and the idea that homosexuality is a normal variant of human sexuality" (NARTH, p. 9). This statement embodies the tactic of demonizing and vilifying the deviants to enforce traditional gender and sexual constructs by pointing to the many ways in which homosexuality threatens to destroy society. To begin, "the gay philosophy" (which they sat down as a collective and wrote in the spring of 1967) stated here, threatens to "redefine" the institution of (heterosexual) marriage - the pillar establishment that exemplifies approved gender roles in our society. The undermining of family and religious authority serves to show that homosexuals are breaking down two of the utmost important institutions in society (the family and religion), in addition to going against authority. It is also sure to affirm the "normal" and enforce boundaries by questioning the idea of variability in human sexuality. NARTH also presents "evidence" against homosexuality by posing hypothetical questions and providing responses supported by "science" as if they are hard irrefutable facts. Even more disturbing though, is this recommendation for teaching about homosexuality that ties into the following discussion of the psychology field: "We haven't learned from science that 'homosexuality is as healthy as heterosexuality.' Views about what constitutes psychological health are always based on some system of philosophy and morality. By itself, science cannot distinguish good from bad, right from wrong, healthy from unhealthy" (NARTH, p.9). This supports a notion that science is objective and unbiased, has no moral agenda, only reports the facts, and makes no judgements. This is an interesting premise - let's see if it holds true in the scientific field of psychology.
The vote upon the question of whether homosexuality ought to be considered a mental disease was put before the American Psychiatric Association in 1973. The...
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