Essay on Account For The Failure Of Both The Power Sharing Executive And The Northern Ireland Assembly

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Account for the failure of both the Power Sharing Executive and the Northern Ireland Assembly

Seminar No.5

To account for such a failure in the power-sharing executive it is

necessary for one to look at the structure and the organisation of the

Assemblies as well as assessing its aims and directives as well as to examine

the time scale to which this has taken place. My intention is to examine from

the mid-seventies to the present day and all the questions that these many

and various initiatives have raised. The power-sharing

executive was the first and last examples of home rule since the collapse of

Stormont.

During this last period the establishment of Stormont lasted from 1973 to

1974. The aim of the British Government was to return the province to an

eventual devolution. The issue of direct rule was to be only a temporary

measure whilst the relevant sides talked it out at the negotiating table looking

for a form of political settlement. Essentially the main elements that both

parties were looking for was to guarantee that the province remained a part of

the United Kingdom as long as the majority deem that wish . Proportional

Representation was held in order to elect the new seventy-eight Northern

Irish Assembly. The two most contentious issue of all the issues of were the

issue of institutionalised power sharing and that of the establishment of the

Council of Ireland, which had, a direct input into the system of governance as

well as a probable oversight into linking the whole system into the Irish

political system, therefore adding an Irish dimension to the proceedings in

order to placate republican feelings and sentiment.

The executive failed on a series of levels due to the various

claimed inconsistency by both sides. But one must really accredit claim to

the Unionists for mobilising the populace with the help of the paramilitaries in

organising strikes and protest marches in order to discredit the Republican

gains in the region. Unionist felt that their position was somewhat a breach of

trust from the then current labour government. Unionist were strongly

opposed to power sharing or any kind of Home Rule since the Unionists were

so used to having their own way under the previous Stormont tenures with

various Unionist majorities that they saw as keeping the Republicans in

some form of check thus providing them with an opposition that would be of

no trouble to quell. Another aspect that would provide the Unionist

ammunition to carry on their concurrent course was that of the British

Government to bring about a halt to the various strikes and civil disturbances

caused by the Loyalists and the Protestant populous. As an immediate rise

to the outrage of this proposed form of government Unionist Politicians

requested mobilisation of their own religious sectors to rise up against the

notion of a power-sharing executive and thus conduct a series of strikes to

bolster their argument. This was also augmented by the Loyalist

Paramilitary Organisations such as the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster

Defence Association. These organisations set about intimidating individuals

and their families in order to attend the current strikes and civil strife that was

happening during that period of time. The strikes were lead by the mainly

Protestant ship builders at the Harland and Woolf ship yard in the East of

Belfast this was to set the course for the duration of the unrest in the

province, following the lead of the ship builders the electricity workers striked

as well plunging the region into a virtual blackout for a number of days. This

was followed up by the use of paramilitary force to drive out police officers

and attack British soldiers, inciting riots and barricading streets to prevent

access to the law enforcement authorities, literally establishing no go zones

to these various agencies. As well as disrupting various essential services

such as the use of the emergency services and organisations of a similar

nature. Essentially the power of the majority even exceeded the will of its

masters in Westminster, from this one could assume that power in Ulster was

firmly with the Unionist politicians and paramilitaries. This would appear to

be the case due to the simple fact that the British government did not have

the will or power to put the strikes down, the Army feared a massive backlash

if it was seen to attempt to quell the strikes thus putting both them and the

government in an untenable situation which would almost certainly lead to

almost certain further deterioration to an already fragile state of affairs. The

main fear allied to nearly all politicians on the main land was the fear...

Northern Ireland's Troubles
Marie-Therese Fay
Pluto Press 1999


The Origins of the Present Troubles in Northern Ireland
Caroline Kennedy-Pipe
Longman 1997


Stormont in Crisis
Ken Bloomfield
Blackstaff Press Ltd 1993


Unionist Politics and the Politics of Unionism Since the Anglo-Irish Agreement
Feargal Cochrane
Cork University Press 1997


The Anglo-Irish Agreement
Arwel Ellis Owen
University of Wales Press 1994 You should cite this paper as follows:

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