Was Peronism Truly A New Doctr Term paper

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In Argentina, a type of populist politics, based on a coalition of urban labour and other social groups, emerged by the mid-1940 s under the charismatic leadership of Juan Peron. For the first time the mobilisation of the urban working class became a major factor in the country s political life, though only with the toleration of the army.

Peronism began with the 1943 revolution, with a document written by General Juan Domingo Peron. In fact, it was written in barely 14 minutes because he believed that proclamations must be felt, not thought . Written in his own handwriting, it explained the prevailing situation, and the reason of the intervention of the Armed Forces to defend the sacred interests of the Nation , because it was necessary to recover the integrity, the National unity. On October 17 1950, Peron delivered from the balcony of the Pink House, Head government building, to the multitude united in Mayo Square, the essentials of the Peronist doctrine. These are 20 ideals that would eventually become the essential platform of the Justicialist party.

The true democracy is that in which the government does what People want, and defends but only one interest: That of the People. Peronism is essentially a popular movement. Every political circle is anti-popular, therefore not Peronist. The Peronist follower works for the movement. He who works on its behalf but does it for a simple circle, or person, is a Peronist but only by name. For Peronism there is only one kind of person: He who works. In the new Argentina, working is a right that assures the dignity of all men, and it is also an obligation, because it is fair for every man to produce at least what he consumes. For a Peronist there can be nothing better than another Peronist. No Peronist should believe himself to be superior to what really he is, nor less than what he could be. When a Peronist begins to believe to be someone superior, he becomes an oligarch. In political action, the value scale of every Peronist is the following: First the homeland, then the movement, then the men. Politics is not for us an end in itself, but only the means for benefit of the Nation, which is the happiness of its children and its own greatness. The two arms of Peronism are social justice and social aid . With these we embrace the People with justice and love. Peronism seeks national unity and not fight or struggle. It wishes heroes but not martyrs. In the new Argentina the only privileged ones are the workers. A government without a doctrine is a body without a soul. That is why Peronism has its own political and social doctrine: Justicialism. Justicialism is a new philosophy of life, simple, pragmatic, deeply Christian, and deeply humanistic. As a political doctrine, Justicialism seeks the balance between the rights of the individual and the rights of the community. As an economical doctrine, Justicialism seeks a social economy, placing the capital in service of the economy and this in benefit of social welfare. As a social doctrine, Justicialism seeks social justice which entitles every man to its rights in accordance to the society. We want a socially just Argentina, economically free and politically sovereign. We constitute a centralised government, an organised state, and a free nation. In this land our best asset is the People.

These principles constitute the doctrinal platform of Peronism. We must go into the street and preach this doctrine Peron said in his political conduction class not teach but preach. I mean you must make people know it, understand it and feel it. That is preaching. Preaching is not saying. Saying is very easy: preaching is very hard. However, one question that has to be answered is whether Peronism is completely a new doctrine or not simply a modification or moulding of more traditional regimes.

The rise of Juan Peron was as Vadney put it a lucky break . As a result of the coup in 1943, few of the officers involved had any better ideas about how to manage the new political classes that had been forming over the last several decades. But one among their number did. This was Juan Peron. As a member of the War Department, Peron was in a position to influence appointments in the army and thus to increase his personal following among the officer corps. And the Labour Department provided an opportunity to cultivate the masses, mainly by intervening in strikes to win settlements favourable to the working class and by co-opting the trade union leadership. He promoted the expansion of labour organisation as a way of furthering his own political ambitions. At Peron s prodding, the military government also improved health and retirement benefits for the working class, and provided for job security, workplace inspections, and paid vacations and holidays.

Peron saw the necessity of a new political strategy, one that would satisfy the masses, if stability were ever to be more than a mere chimera he believed that the people could not be ignored any longer. He has been described as a charismatic figure, at ease with the common folk, Peron was also a demagogue, and he proved quite willing to use force and terror against his enemies a trait of a communist if not totalitarian regime. However, this was all before he even became President and once he did he managed to consolidate his power by using the post-war boom. Accumulated credits from wartime sales also helped. However, the good times lasted until about 1950. However, most importantly, the government embarked upon a new programme of industrialisation. The idea was to expand the domestic market which would be a gain for Argentinean entrepreneurs, labour and the urban middle class i.e. Peron s principal supporters. Furthermore, in 1947 Peron issued a symbolic declaration of economic independence from foreign domination, and the next year the government bought control of the country s railways and assumed ownership of most of the banking, insurance, shipping, grain elevator and communications sector. More importantly, it promoted a state agency to take over the marketing of the country s key exports and the purchase of imports, and to guide the reallocation of resources from the rural to the urban sectors.

One key and dominant aspect of his regime was coercion and terror, While Peronism cultivated an image of social progress, they also backed this up with a heavy dose of repression. The strategy was to trade social welfare for civil liberties. For example, the Peronists deployed gangs called the descamisados, which were much like Mussolini s Black Shirts or Hitler s Brown Shirts, to discipline the regime s enemies. In fact the methods were the same as in the Nazi era, that of beatings, destruction of property and other forms of terrorism. One could therefore easily evaluate that Peronism had elements of Fascism too, with the certain involvement of terrorism being dominant and as James Scobie cited in his book Argentina a city and a nation he too agreed that Peron could not tolerate opposition . Labour union leaders who challenged his wishes found themselves in prison or in exile. Impeachment proceedings removed opposition from the Supreme Court. A malleable Senate and Chamber of Deputies soon gagged the few members who dared to criticise the presidency. Intervention in the provinces removed governors or legislators opposed to Peron. The universities and schools quickly lost their independence; students and faculty either acquiesced or Left Argentina. Radio...

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