American Intervention In Vietnam Term paper
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American Intervention in VietnamDuring the Cold War, the United States of America was determined to act as the superior nation in the world. They believed that every country was inferior to them in regards to military power, economic stability and moral beliefs. After the assassination of former President John F. Kennedy, the Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson took over in Washington. He was pressured to follow through on the late President's programs and policies on Vietnam which entailed the demonstration of America's strength and responsibility. It is argued that American intervention in Vietnam was caused by structural weakness in the National Security Council and inadequate attention to long- range policy planning. In addition, Johnson's inexperience and naivety regarding foreign policy and the optimistic belief of creating a flawless world. A main cause of American involvement was the weakness of the mechanism for determining the framework of foreign policy. The establishment of the National Security Council came about in 1947. It was to bridge the gulf between considerations of foreign policy and considerations of the military force which was to conduct external relations.1 Apparently, the U.S.A. had had no central authority that linked the organizations of the Military Services and the State Department. As a result, the government decided that in order to be successful in international affairs the two groups had to work together. The NSC ensured detailed coordination of all major factors of U.S. foreign policy decisions.2 It was odd that both President Truman and Eisenhower had success with this organization and when Kennedy came to office he decided to change it. He preferred to rely on small groups to be responsible for policy formation and execution therefore, he was more "comfortable...with a broad knowledge of foreign affairs and a strong distaste for being hemmed in by too much organization".3 This informal system carried serious dangers of insufficient coordination, as the travesty at the Bay of Pigs soon showed and Johnson was unfortunate to inherit it.4 Lyndon Johnson had many vital decisions to make when he was in office. The fragmented NSC was not an efficient instrument since he had to conclude whether or not to continue supporting Vietnam militarily and economically. Our large-scale military entry into the Vietnam War in early 1965 reflected the piecemeal consideration of interrelated issues, and that this was the natural consequence of a fragmented NSC and a general inattention to long-range policy planning. Consultation, even knowledge of the basic facts, was confined to a tight circle of presidential advisors,and there appears to have been little systematic debate outside that group.5The White-House was primarily for action or reaction and not a place for reflective thought on difficult long-term problems, this was a result for an absence of comprehensive policy analysis.6 The Policy Planning Staff, during the years of 1961- 1966 tried to figure out a possible solution through the National Policy Papers. These papers set down responsible lines of policy for the U.S. government to follow. Apparently, the principal department heads, Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, were unwilling to spend the personal time required to reach any agreement and furthermore, no one would take the time to read or endorse the Papers. The general inattention to long-range policy planning is demonstrated by the decisions and actions that marked the largescale military entry into the Vietnam War in early 1965 which reflected the piecemeal consideration of interrelated issues.7The United States was determined that bombing North Vietnam was a tactic of maintaining the conflict within boundaries. Hanoi was believed to surrender shortly after bombing and during the pauses, negotiations would take place. North Vietnam was convinced that bombing would not affect their behaviour and "if [they] prolong the war...[their] forces will grow stronger, the enemy forces will be weakened. Protracted negotiations...would erode its adversary's will."8 This illustrates the poor planning on U.S. government's behalf since they were convinced that their military force would have a great impact on Hanoi's decisions. Johnson's inability to effectively enforce leadership commands were evident during his term in office. This president portrayed no central guiding philosophy in foreign policy and there was confirmation of slackness in coordinating disparate elements. This was the result of little background and uncertainty in foreign affairs.9 Johnson lacked moral courage in the Vietnam conflict which illustrates his incapabilities to lead a country of great power. Even presidential aides were sceptical about Johnson's ability as a Vice-President. Kennedy had sent him on a special investigative mission to Saigon and the story was spread that Johnson,...fearing he would be killed, had argued for two weeks against the journey: "I don't want to embarrass you by getting my head blown off in Saigon." The young president supposedly answered: "That's all right Lyndon. If anything happens to you out there, Sam Rayburn and I will give you the biggest funeral in the history of Austin, Texas." Kennedy's aides...noted that the vice-president agreed to go only if Kennedy's sister...went along to prove there was little danger.10Johnson inherited a loose and flexible organization which his personal existing characteristics did not match. "His galvanic temperament, irregular administrative habits, and passion for secretiveness could or would have used a more formal structure to good advantage".11 It appeared that Johnson was incapable to deal with such an intricate dilemma in comparison to the previous presidents. He lacked the kind of confidence in his own judgments that permitted Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy to overrule their principal foreign policy and military advisers on major issues. In matters of was and peace he seemed too much the sentimental patriot, lacking Truman's practical horse sense, Eisenhower's experienced caution, Kennedy's cool grasp of reality.12There was no indication that Johnson gave the subject of foreign policy much serious attention before 1964, until finally he had no other recourse. Americans were aware of this type of presidential leadership and apparently they were displeased by this. Philip Geyelin, in his perceptive book of mid-1966, said of President Johnson that,...by political background, by temperament, by personal preference he was the riverboat man...a swash buckling master of the political midstream-but only in the crowded well-travelled familiar inland waterways of domestic politics. He had no taste and scant preparation for the deep waters of foreign policy, for the sudden storms and unpredictable winds that can...
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